The Caste Census Conundrum
History, Politics, and the Future of Enumeration in India
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| Caste Census |
I. Introduction: The Caste Census Conundrum in Modern India
The debate surrounding a nationwide caste census has resurfaced with significant political and social force in contemporary India. Recent state-level initiatives, most notably the comprehensive caste survey conducted by the Bihar government 1, alongside a pivotal, though yet-to-be-implemented, decision by the Union Cabinet in April 2025 to include caste enumeration in the next national census 3, have reignited discussions about the necessity, methodology, and implications of counting caste. This potential policy shift is particularly noteworthy as it comes after decades of deliberate avoidance of comprehensive caste enumeration in the post-independence era, a departure from the practice under British colonial rule.3
The enduring relevance of caste underpins this debate. Despite India's modernization, constitutional guarantees of equality, and the formal abolition of untouchability, caste continues to function as a powerful determinant of social status, economic opportunity, and political influence.1 It profoundly shapes access to essential resources, educational pathways, employment prospects, and even fundamental human rights, particularly for those at the lower rungs of the hierarchy.3 The persistence of caste-based discrimination and inequality makes the question of its measurement a critical issue for social justice and effective governance.13
This report aims to provide a comprehensive, multi-perspective analysis of the caste census issue in India. It delves into the definition and historical evolution of the caste system, tracing its origins and transformations through various epochs. It examines the history of caste enumeration, contrasting the colonial practices with the post-independence discontinuation and the subsequent Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) of 2011. The analysis explores the contemporary political and social dynamics driving the demand for a census, dissecting the arguments both for and against its implementation. Furthermore, it investigates the crucial role played by key commissions, particularly the Kaka Kalelkar and Mandal Commissions, in shaping discourse and policy around backward classes and reservations. The intricate relationship between caste, constitutional provisions related to equality and affirmative action, and significant judicial interventions, including the landmark Indra Sawhney case, is explored. Finally, drawing upon historical precedents, contemporary debates, and recent developments like state-level surveys, the report discusses potential future pathways and the complex challenges involved in navigating the caste census conundrum.
II. Decoding Caste: Origins, Evolution, and Meaning in India
A. Defining Caste: Varna and Jati
Understanding the caste census debate necessitates clarity on the concept of 'caste' itself within the Indian context. The term is often used to encompass two related, yet distinct, indigenous concepts: Varna and Jati.8 Varna, literally translating to "colour" but contextually referring to order or classification 15, represents a theoretical, four-fold hierarchical division of society outlined in ancient Hindu scriptures. Jati, on the other hand, refers to the multitude of endogamous sub-castes or communities, often linked traditionally to specific occupations and kinship networks, which constitute the lived reality of social organization for most Indians.8 Neither term alone fully encapsulates the complex, institutionalized system of social stratification known today as caste, a system significantly formalized and rigidified during the British colonial period.15
The traditional Varna model describes four hierarchical categories: Brahmins (priests, scholars, teachers), Kshatriyas (warriors, rulers, administrators), Vaishyas (merchants, traders, agriculturalists), and Shudras (laborers, artisans, service providers).8 This hierarchy is often rationalized through the Purusha Suktam myth found in the Rig Veda, which posits that the varnas originated from different parts of the primordial being, Purusha (Brahmins from the mouth, Kshatriyas from the arms, Vaishyas from the thighs, and Shudras from the feet).10 The first three varnas are considered "twice-born," signifying ritual purity and access to Vedic learning, distinct from the "once-born" Shudras.15 Outside this four-fold structure exist the Avarnas (literally, without varna), historically referred to by terms like "Untouchables," achhoots, or Harijans, and now often self-identifying as Dalits. These groups were traditionally assigned occupations deemed impure or polluting, leading to extreme forms of social discrimination and exclusion.8
Sociologist G.S. Ghurye identified six key characteristics defining the caste system: segmental division of society into groups determined by birth; a hierarchical ranking of these groups (though the specific ranking is often contested); restrictions on social interaction (commensality, etc.) between different castes, particularly upper and lower; differential rights and disabilities based on caste; lack of unrestricted choice of occupation, often tied to hereditary roles; and strict rules of endogamy, prohibiting marriage outside one's own caste group.15 The system is fundamentally birth-ascribed, hierarchical, and restrictive.8
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, a pivotal figure in challenging the caste system and drafting the Indian Constitution, offered a critical perspective, defining caste primarily through its mechanism of endogamy. He famously stated, "A Caste is an Enclosed Class".21 Ambedkar theorized that the Brahmins were the first group to practice strict endogamy, effectively closing themselves off from others. This practice, he argued, subsequently spread through imitation by other groups seeking higher status, and through the exclusion experienced by those left outside the enclosed Brahmin group.21 To maintain endogamy within a group, Ambedkar explained, practices like Sati (widow immolation) and enforced widowhood emerged to deal with "surplus" women, while child marriage addressed "surplus" men, thus preserving the boundaries of the caste.21 Crucially, Ambedkar viewed caste not merely as a social structure but as a "notion," a deeply ingrained "state of the mind," emphasizing that true integration required a fundamental cultural shift alongside policy changes.15
The distinction between the textual, idealized four-varna model (the "book-view" derived from scriptures like the Vedas and Manusmriti 15) and the complex, empirical reality of thousands of jatis is critical.8 While Varna provides a broad ideological framework, it is the jati system that governs daily life, regulating social interactions, marriage alliances, and often, traditional occupations.8 Scholars note that evidence for an elaborate varna system in the earliest Vedic texts is limited, suggesting it was perhaps more of a social ideal than a reality, and that jatis likely crystallized later, possibly during the Mauryan or post-Mauryan periods.19 This disconnect between the scriptural model and lived reality created significant challenges for colonial administrators attempting to classify the population 16 and continues to complicate contemporary efforts at caste enumeration. Any attempt to count caste must grapple with whether it aims to capture the broad varna categories or the myriad, localized jatis, a choice fraught with methodological and social implications.
B. Historical Trajectory: Origins and Transformations
The origins of the caste system are complex and subject to ongoing scholarly debate, with roots tracing back millennia.9 The Vedic Period (c. 1500-1000 BCE) is often cited as a formative era, with early texts like the Rig Veda mentioning Varna 17, although the specific verse detailing the Purusha Suktam myth is now widely considered a later interpolation intended as a charter myth.17 The Laws of Manu (Manusmriti), compiled around 250 BCE, provide a more extensive, though highly schematic, commentary on the varna system, helping elevate the status of Brahmins but not necessarily creating the phenomenon of caste itself.10 Some evidence suggests that in the early Vedic period, varna distinctions might have been more flexible, linked to an individual's actions (karma) and abilities rather than solely birth, with possibilities for mobility between varnas based on occupation or achievements.24
Alternative theories propose origins predating the arrival of Brahmanism in India. George L. Hart's model, based on Sangam literature (3rd c. BCE - 3rd c. CE) from Tamil Nadu, suggests that concerns with ritual purity and pollution associated with low-status occupational groups might stem from indigenous ritual kingship systems, rather than the Indo-Aryan varna model.19 Furthermore, genetic studies analyzing mitochondrial DNA and Y-chromosome variation across Indian caste groups have found correlations between higher caste rank and greater West Eurasian genetic admixture, particularly from males. This is consistent with theories of Indo-European migrations influencing the subcontinent's genetic structure and potentially contributing to the establishment of the caste hierarchy, with migrants placing themselves in higher ranks.25
During the medieval period, the caste system underwent further evolution. Urbanization and the diversification of economic activities led to the emergence of new jatis based on specialized occupational roles and artisan communities.9 The arrival of foreign powers and the establishment of Islamic rule in various parts of India introduced new social dynamics, resulting in complex interactions, adaptations, and sometimes conflicts between different religious and social groups within the existing caste framework.9
A pivotal transformation occurred during the British colonial era. Driven by the need to understand and administer their vast and complex territory, British officials embarked on systematic efforts to classify and categorize the Indian population through ethnographic surveys and, most significantly, the decennial census operations starting in the late 19th century.3 Figures like H.H. Risley played a key role, applying contemporary European theories of race and social hierarchy to the Indian context.23 This colonial project of enumeration and classification is argued by many scholars to have fundamentally altered the nature of caste.15 Pre-colonial social identities, while hierarchical, were often more fluid, localized, and context-dependent.23 The census, however, required discrete, mutually exclusive, and enumerable categories, forcing complex and overlapping jati and varna identities into rigid, pan-Indian hierarchies.16 This process arguably objectified and solidified caste identities, transforming them into fixed administrative categories and contributing to the system's perceived rigidity in the modern era.26
Following India's independence in 1947, the Constitution aimed to dismantle the discriminatory aspects of the caste system. Untouchability was abolished (Article 17) 31, and discrimination based on caste was prohibited (Article 15).31 Significant social changes have occurred, particularly in urban areas, with a relaxation of rules governing inter-caste interaction and a shift away from traditional caste-based occupations towards newer economic opportunities.8 Wealth and power became less rigidly associated with caste rank compared to the past.8 However, caste continues to exert considerable influence, especially in rural areas and in matters of marriage (endogamy remains prevalent).8 Caste-based prejudice, discrimination, and violence, particularly against Dalits, persist as significant challenges.9 Furthermore, caste has become a major axis of political mobilization, with the rise of caste-based political parties and the use of caste identities in electoral politics.9 The legacy of historical disadvantage continues to manifest in socio-economic disparities across caste lines.3
III. Counting Caste: A Historical Perspective
A. The Colonial Gaze: Caste in the British Census (1881-1931)
The systematic enumeration of caste in India began under British colonial rule. Following earlier, less systematic attempts 16, caste became a standard category in the decennial census conducted synchronously across British India from 1881 until 1931.3 The rationale behind this inclusion was multi-faceted. Primarily, the colonial administration sought to understand the intricate social structure of India to govern it more effectively.3 Caste was perceived as the fundamental organizing principle, the "cement that holds together the myriad units of Indian society," according to 1901 Census Commissioner H.H. Risley.27 Data on caste, along with religion and occupation, was deemed necessary for classifying the population 16, potentially identifying groups requiring specific social interventions (like tackling female infanticide 16), and assessing the characteristics and perceived abilities of different groups for administrative roles or service.26
However, the process of counting caste was fraught with methodological difficulties from the outset. There was never a formal, consistent definition of caste, race, or tribe used across all censuses.27 The methodology itself evolved, leading to confusion and inconsistency. For instance, the 1881 census reportedly focused on groups exceeding a certain population threshold.22 In 1901, Risley controversially attempted to classify castes based on a perceived "varna hierarchy" and dubious racial theories like the Nasal Index, sparking considerable social agitation as various caste groups saw the census as an opportunity to claim higher status and petitioned for reclassification.22 This highlighted a fundamental challenge: the census became not just a reflection of social reality but an arena for contesting and negotiating status.22
By the 1931 census, the last conducted by the British that enumerated all castes 22, the approach shifted towards using occupation as a primary classifier, partly to avoid the controversies of the varna model.22 J.H. Hutton, the Census Commissioner for 1931, defended the continued recording of caste, arguing its vital importance in the structure of Indian society, influencing occupation, social life, and marriage, despite acknowledging the inherent difficulties.22 The challenges faced in 1931 were numerous and complex, including: the inherent fluidity and mobility of caste identities, with groups changing their self-identification between censuses; active non-cooperation movements and boycotts (including by the Congress party); the persistent problem of defining what constituted a 'caste'; the lack of standardized nomenclature, with the same group known by different names regionally; the subjective assessments made by provincial census commissioners leading to inconsistencies; the tendency for individuals to claim higher caste status for social mobility; and the limitations of the occupational model itself, which struggled with regional variations in the social standing of occupations and couldn't easily capture multiple traditional roles.22 An official in Madras even noted the instability of terminology rendered caste sorting "really worthless" unless nomenclature was fixed.22 Despite these issues, the 1931 census produced data, including the estimate that Other Backward Classes (OBCs) constituted 52% of the population, a figure that would gain immense political significance decades later with the Mandal Commission.22
The colonial census exercise was far from a neutral act of data collection. By attempting to fit the complex, fluid reality of jatis and varnas into neat, enumerable categories, the British administration actively shaped and rigidified caste identities.16 Furthermore, the very act of counting and ranking castes catalyzed social change and conflict. It provided groups with numerical awareness 28, fueled competition for status recognition within the colonial framework 22, and arguably contributed to the hardening of both caste and communal identities during a period of significant socio-political transformation.28 The census became an instrument through which social hierarchies were officially recognized and, in many ways, reinforced, laying the groundwork for future political mobilization along caste lines.
B. The Post-Independence Silence: Why India Stopped Counting Caste (1951 onwards)
With India's independence in 1947, there was a decisive break from the colonial practice of comprehensive caste enumeration. The government led by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru made a conscious decision to discontinue the counting of all castes, except for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), starting with the first census of independent India in 1951.3
The primary rationale underpinning this shift was ideological. It stemmed from the belief that counting caste would perpetuate the very social divisions the new nation sought to overcome.3 In the context of building a unified nation from a diverse and hierarchical society, focusing on caste in the census was seen as potentially entrenching these identities and hindering the development of a modern, egalitarian, and casteless society.6 It was also viewed, in part, as a rejection of a colonial administrative tool that had been used to classify and control the population.6
The exception made for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was rooted in the Constitution itself. Articles 341 and 342 empowered the President to specify lists of SCs and STs, respectively.31 Furthermore, the Constitution mandated reservations for these groups in political representation (Lok Sabha and State Assemblies under Articles 330 and 332 31) and made provisions for their claims in public services (Article 335 33). Therefore, collecting data on SCs and STs was deemed necessary for fulfilling these constitutional obligations and monitoring their progress.3
While the national census stopped counting other castes, a 1961 directive from the central government permitted states to conduct their own surveys to prepare state-specific lists of Other Backward Classes (OBCs) if they wished to do so, primarily for the purpose of state-level affirmative action.3
The most significant consequence of this post-independence policy of not enumerating castes beyond SCs and STs was the creation of a substantial data vacuum regarding the size, distribution, and socio-economic conditions of OBCs and other caste groups across India.3 This lack of reliable, nationwide data persisted for decades and proved particularly problematic when the issue of OBC reservations gained prominence following the Mandal Commission report in 1980.3
This policy of 'caste blindness' in the census, while motivated by the laudable goal of fostering national unity and transcending caste divisions, had paradoxical effects. By choosing not to measure caste, the state inadvertently hampered its own ability to effectively diagnose and address the persistent inequalities linked to it, particularly for the large and diverse group of OBCs.6 The absence of data made it difficult to formulate evidence-based policies for backward classes and allowed the socio-economic advantages and numerical dominance of upper-caste groups in various spheres to remain statistically obscured and largely unchallenged.14 This created fertile ground for the eventual resurgence of demands for caste data as OBC political consciousness grew and the limitations of existing affirmative action policies became apparent.
C. The SECC 2011 Experiment: A Flawed Attempt?
Decades after discontinuing comprehensive caste enumeration, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government initiated the Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) in 2011.3 This marked the first nationwide attempt since 1931 to collect data on caste alongside a wide array of socio-economic indicators for both rural and urban households. The stated objectives were twofold: first, to gather detailed socio-economic information (on housing, assets, income sources, education, disability, etc.) to rank households based on deprivation criteria and identify beneficiaries for targeted welfare programs like the National Food Security Act and MGNREGA 47; second, to collect specific caste/tribe names to allow the government to assess the socio-economic status of different caste groups.49
The SECC 2011 employed a door-to-door enumeration methodology using handheld electronic devices, making it India's first paperless census.49 Government enumerators used a respondent-based canvasser method, asking questions and entering responses, often utilizing the existing National Population Register (NPR) database.48 A crucial distinction from the regular decennial census was that SECC 2011 was not conducted under the Census Act, 1948.39 This meant participation was voluntary, and unlike the confidential data collected under the Census Act, the personal information gathered through SECC was intended to be open for use by government departments to grant or restrict benefits.47 This necessitated a process for public verification; draft lists (excluding caste/tribe/religion details) were displayed at the Gram Panchayat/Gram Sabha level, and a mechanism for lodging objections and claims was introduced, although this led to significant delays due to the large volume of objections received.48
The SECC 2011 did yield valuable socio-economic data, revealing high levels of deprivation in rural India: nearly 30% of rural households were landless deriving income from manual labor, over 13% lived in single-room kachcha houses, 56% lacked agricultural land, and 36% of the rural population was non-literate.48 It also counted households engaged in manual scavenging and provided data on transgender populations.49 This socio-economic data has been utilized by various government ministries for targeting welfare schemes.49
However, the caste enumeration component of SECC 2011 encountered severe problems, rendering the collected caste data largely unusable.49 The process generated an astonishing 4.6 million unique caste, sub-caste, synonym, surname, gotra, and clan names.40 This explosion of categories stemmed from multiple flaws: a lack of a pre-prepared, standardized registry of castes 52; inconsistencies and errors by enumerators in recording and spelling caste names 52; poor questionnaire design, particularly the use of open-ended questions for caste identification 39; and the implementation being handled by ministries (Rural Development, Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation) lacking specific expertise in complex sociological surveys.39 The government itself reported a massive number of errors in the initial caste data (over 81 million).49 Consequently, despite calls for its release, the raw caste data from SECC 2011 was never officially published or utilized for policy purposes, with the government citing concerns about data quality, accuracy, and the need for further analysis by expert groups.4 The Supreme Court later refused to compel the Union government to share the SECC OBC data with Maharashtra for local body reservations, explicitly citing the data's unreliability and unsuitability for such purposes.53
The SECC 2011 experience serves as a significant cautionary tale. While driven by the valid objective of gathering comprehensive socio-economic and caste data, its execution, particularly concerning caste enumeration, was deeply flawed. The failure to produce reliable and usable caste data, despite the massive scale and expense of the exercise, underscores the formidable technical, methodological, and perhaps political hurdles involved. It highlights that merely deciding to count caste is insufficient; meticulous planning, robust and standardized methodologies, clear classification frameworks, adequate training, and sustained political commitment to transparency and data quality are essential prerequisites for any future attempt to succeed where SECC 2011 failed.39
IV. The Resurgence of the Caste Census Debate
A. Why Now? Political and Social Catalysts
The demand for a nationwide caste census, dormant for decades after the 1951 decision, has gained significant traction in recent years due to a confluence of political and social factors. A major catalyst is the enduring legacy of the Mandal Commission and the subsequent deepening of OBC politics.3 The 27% reservation implemented based on the Mandal report, which itself relied on extrapolated 1931 data 22, created a political constituency aware of its numerical strength and rights. The lack of updated, reliable data since then fuels demands for a new census to accurately assess the current socio-economic status of various OBC groups, evaluate the effectiveness and equity of existing reservation policies, and potentially argue for adjustments, such as increasing the overall quota or implementing sub-categorization within the OBC category.4 The findings of the Justice Rohini Commission, reportedly showing that a small number of OBC sub-castes have cornered a disproportionate share of reservation benefits, have further intensified demands for sub-quotas based on contemporary data.42
Beyond reservation politics, the call for a caste census is strongly rooted in social justice advocacy.3 Proponents argue that accurate data is indispensable for identifying the continuing patterns of caste-based disadvantage and discrimination in the 21st century. Understanding the contemporary contours of inequality across various spheres – education, employment, health, land ownership – is seen as a prerequisite for designing effective policies to uplift marginalized communities and move towards a genuinely equitable society.46
The political landscape has also been a significant driver. Opposition parties, particularly those with strong OBC or social justice platforms, have increasingly championed the demand for a caste census, viewing it as a potent issue to consolidate votes and challenge the ruling BJP's narrative.4 The ruling BJP itself has exhibited a shifting stance: expressing support in 2018, opposing it in Parliament in 2021, and then approving it in principle in April 2025.5 This vacillation reflects the complex political calculations involved, balancing the party's core Hindutva ideology and upper-caste support base with the need to retain the crucial OBC vote bloc it has cultivated.60 Pressure from NDA allies like JD(U) and Apna Dal, who favor a caste count, has also played a role.60 State elections, particularly in populous states like Uttar Pradesh with complex caste dynamics, often amplify the political salience of the issue.37 Furthermore, the emergence of movements like the Pasmanda Muslim campaign, highlighting caste hierarchies and discrimination within minority communities, adds another layer to the demand for caste data that cuts across religious lines.45
Finally, the judiciary has indirectly fueled the demand by repeatedly emphasizing the need for quantifiable, empirical data to justify reservation policies. Courts have called for periodic revisions of the OBC list based on contemporary data and have mandated data for implementing OBC reservations in local bodies (the 'Triple Test' requirement).12 This legal insistence on data underscores the inadequacy of relying on century-old figures for contemporary policy-making.
B. The Case For: Arguments Favouring a Caste Census
Arguments supporting a nationwide caste census are primarily anchored in principles of social justice, effective governance, and constitutional mandates. A core contention is that accurate, contemporary data on caste is indispensable for understanding and addressing the persistent social inequalities and discrimination that continue to plague Indian society.1 Proponents argue that ignoring caste in official data collection, or 'caste blindness,' does not lead to its annihilation but rather allows inequalities to fester unseen and unaddressed. Counting caste, therefore, is presented as a necessary step to monitor the impact of caste on life chances and to measure progress towards the constitutional goal of equality.11
A second major argument revolves around the need for data for effective policy formulation, particularly concerning targeted welfare schemes and affirmative action.3 Reliable data on the size, distribution, and socio-economic conditions of various caste groups, especially OBCs, is deemed essential for designing policies that effectively reach the intended beneficiaries. It would allow for better targeting of resources, ensuring that welfare schemes address the specific needs of different communities and that affirmative action policies like reservations are based on current realities rather than outdated estimates.11 Accurate data could also help refine reservation policies by preventing the wrongful inclusion of relatively advanced groups or the exclusion of genuinely deserving ones, and by facilitating rational sub-categorization within broad categories like OBCs to ensure equitable distribution of benefits among the most marginalized sub-groups.39
Thirdly, a caste census is seen as crucial for comprehensively mapping socio-economic disparities across Indian society.3 Understanding the correlation between caste identity and indicators such as income, wealth, land ownership, occupation, education levels, and access to healthcare is vital for diagnosing the structural nature of inequality. Such data would provide empirical evidence of the extent to which historical disadvantages continue to shape contemporary outcomes.
Fourth, proponents point to constitutional and legal imperatives. Article 340 of the Constitution mandates the appointment of commissions to investigate the conditions of backward classes, an exercise implicitly requiring data.33 Furthermore, judicial pronouncements, particularly regarding the implementation and review of reservation policies (including the Supreme Court's 'Triple Test' for local body reservations and calls for periodic review of OBC lists), necessitate the availability of robust empirical data on caste populations and their backwardness.12
A fifth argument is that caste data can serve to challenge and expose the extent of upper-caste dominance and privilege in various sectors of society, including government services, education, and the economy.1 By revealing the numerical strength of different groups relative to their representation in positions of power and access to resources, a census could provide concrete evidence of systemic inequalities and underrepresentation of lower castes.
Finally, some argue that having objective, reliable data could lead to a more informed and rational public debate on sensitive issues like reservations.40 Instead of relying on speculation, historical data, or politically motivated claims, discussions could be grounded in contemporary empirical evidence, potentially curbing arbitrary demands for quotas and fostering more evidence-based policy solutions.
C. The Case Against: Criticisms and Concerns
Despite the compelling arguments in its favor, the proposal for a nationwide caste census faces significant criticisms and evokes deep-seated concerns. The most prominent objection is that the very act of counting and categorizing people based on caste could inadvertently reinforce and harden caste identities, running counter to the constitutional aspiration of creating a casteless society.1 Critics fear that officially recognizing and enumerating caste might legitimize it further and hinder efforts towards social integration and national unity.7
Related to this is the concern that a caste census could exacerbate social fragmentation and conflict.6 By highlighting numerical strengths and potentially revealing shifts in demographic balance, the census data could fuel inter-caste competition, political mobilization along caste lines, demands for enhanced quotas, and potentially lead to social tensions or unrest, reminiscent of the anti-Mandal protests.58
Data privacy and security represent another significant area of concern.66 Caste is highly sensitive personal information. Collecting such data on a national scale raises ethical questions about potential misuse, the risk of discrimination or stigmatization based on disclosed identities, and the need for robust safeguards to protect individual privacy.30 The fact that SECC 2011 data was intended for government use to grant or restrict benefits, unlike confidential decennial census data 47, highlights the potential risks associated with making caste data administratively actionable. Compliance with existing data protection laws and international norms would be paramount.66
The sheer administrative and methodological complexity of conducting an accurate caste census is frequently cited as a major obstacle.1 India has thousands of castes, sub-castes, clans (gotras), and synonyms, with significant regional variations in names and hierarchies.22 Defining these categories unambiguously, developing a standardized classification system, training enumerators to handle the complexities accurately, and processing the vast amount of data without significant errors are monumental tasks.39 The experience of SECC 2011, which generated millions of unmanageable entries and ultimately unusable caste data 40, serves as a stark reminder of these challenges.
Finally, there is widespread apprehension about the potential politicization of the caste census and its data.1 Critics worry that political parties might exploit the data primarily for electoral gain and vote-bank consolidation, rather than using it genuinely for social justice and targeted welfare. The process could become entangled in competitive populism, leading to demands and policies based on political expediency rather than sound social objectives.
D. Recent Political Volte-face and State Initiatives (Bihar Survey Analysis)
The political dynamics surrounding the caste census have been marked by inconsistency and strategic shifts. The central government's position has notably fluctuated. After expressing support for including OBC data collection in the (delayed) 2021 Census back in 2018 37, the Union government informed Parliament in 2021 that caste enumeration (beyond SC/ST) would not be undertaken.37 However, in a significant reversal in April 2025, the Union Cabinet approved the inclusion of caste enumeration in the next national census, emphasizing transparency and accuracy for informed policymaking.3 This latest decision followed sustained pressure from opposition parties and some NDA allies 7, as well as the precedent set by state-level initiatives. The shifting stances likely reflect complex electoral calculations and the difficulty of balancing competing political interests.5
The most prominent state-level initiative has been the Bihar Caste-Based Survey conducted in 2022-23.1 Undertaken after an all-party consensus in the state 42, the survey was conducted in two phases: a house-listing exercise followed by the collection of data on caste, sub-caste, religion, economic status, and family details for Bihar's estimated 13 crore population.2 The state government assigned numerical codes to 215 recognized castes to standardize data collection.2 The survey faced legal challenges, including a temporary stay by the Patna High Court citing privacy concerns and questioning the state's authority, but was eventually allowed to proceed after the court validated it as a permissible statistical exercise.2
The findings of the Bihar survey, released in stages starting October 2023 57, provided a detailed snapshot of the state's social composition. Key demographic findings include: Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) constitute the largest bloc at 36.01%, followed by Other Backward Classes (OBCs) at 27.12%, Scheduled Castes (SCs) at 19.65%, the General category (forward castes) at 15.52%, and Scheduled Tribes (STs) at 1.68%.2 Combined, OBCs and EBCs account for over 63% of Bihar's population.14 Yadavs emerged as the single largest OBC sub-caste at 14.26%.14 Religiously, Hindus comprise 81.99% and Muslims 17.70%.2
The survey also revealed stark socio-economic disparities linked to caste. Poverty rates were highest among SCs (42.93%) and STs (42.7%), followed by EBCs (33.58%) and OBCs (33.16%), while the General category had the lowest poverty rate (25.09%).2 Significant variations exist within categories; for example, among OBCs, Yadavs had a lower poverty rate (30.49%) compared to Kushwahas (47.11%), while some EBC groups like Musahars faced extreme poverty (over 64%).68 Access to government jobs and higher education also showed clear correlation with caste hierarchy, with the General category being significantly better represented.2 Among the numerically small upper castes, Kayasthas were identified as the most well-off.2
Table 1: Bihar Caste Survey (2023) - Key Findings Summary
2
The political impact of the Bihar survey has been immediate and significant. It provides empirical backing for demands to increase reservation quotas beyond the current 50% ceiling set by the Supreme Court.14 The data showing OBCs/EBCs constitute over 63% of the population strengthens the case for proportional representation. It has energized the Opposition alliance, providing a common "social justice" platform to counter the BJP's Hindutva narrative and potentially disrupt its carefully constructed caste coalitions, especially ahead of major elections.42 The survey findings are expected to influence ticket distribution, campaign strategies, and leadership dynamics within the state.42 It has also spurred other states like Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, and Telangana to announce or conduct similar surveys.1
These state-level surveys function not merely as data collection exercises but as potent political maneuvers. They serve to consolidate regional caste-based vote banks, exert pressure on the central government to conduct a nationwide census, and potentially force a national dialogue on revisiting reservation policies, including the contentious 50% ceiling established by the Indra Sawhney judgment.1 The Bihar survey, in particular, has demonstrated how state-level actions can significantly influence the national political discourse on caste and representation.
V. Commissions, Reservations, and the Constitution
A. Early Steps: The Kaka Kalelkar Commission (1953)
The first major post-independence effort to systematically address the issue of backwardness beyond Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was the appointment of the First Backward Classes Commission in 1953, chaired by Kaka Kalelkar.36 Mandated under Article 340 of the Constitution 33, the commission was tasked with investigating the conditions of "socially and educationally backward classes" (SEBCs), determining the criteria for identifying them, preparing a list of such classes, and recommending steps for their upliftment, including potential grants.41
The Kalelkar Commission adopted a multi-pronged approach to identify backwardness. It considered caste as a primary indicator, specifically looking at a community's low position in the traditional Hindu caste hierarchy.41 Other criteria included traditional occupations, the percentage of literacy and general educational advancement, representation in government services and industry/trade, and overall estimated population.41 Based on these criteria, the commission identified a vast number of communities – 2,399 in total – as backward, estimating they constituted around 70% of India's population.69 Within this list, 837 communities were classified as 'most backward'.73 Among its recommendations, the commission suggested undertaking a caste-wise enumeration of the population in the 1961 census and controversially proposed treating all women as a 'backward' class.64
However, the commission's report, submitted in March 1955 64, faced immediate challenges and was ultimately not acted upon by the central government.41 A major reason was the ambivalence expressed by the Chairman himself. In his forwarding letter to the President, Kaka Kalelkar effectively disowned key aspects of the report, arguing strongly against using caste as the basis for reservations and other remedies.41 He opined that the principle of caste should be eschewed entirely to focus on helping the poorest individuals across all communities, while still giving preference to those from traditionally neglected social classes.41 This internal contradiction weakened the report's standing.
Furthermore, the Nehru government was dissatisfied with the commission's approach, particularly its reliance on caste.41 The government's official memorandum stated that explicitly recognizing castes for backwardness classification would perpetuate caste distinctions and hinder the progress towards an egalitarian society, which was seen as a primary national goal.41 The government preferred economic criteria for determining backwardness.74 Consequently, no central list of OBCs was notified based on the Kalelkar report, and the responsibility effectively devolved to individual states, which then proceeded to appoint their own commissions and formulate their own lists and reservation policies for OBCs within their jurisdictions.41
The failure of the Kalelkar Commission marked a critical juncture. The first national attempt to grapple with the complex issue of identifying and addressing backwardness beyond the SC/ST categories faltered due to a combination of methodological ambiguity (using caste extensively but the chairman recanting), ideological resistance from the central government committed to a 'casteless' vision, and the sheer scale of backwardness identified by the commission. This set a precedent of central inaction on OBC identification and reservation that would last for over three decades, leaving a significant policy gap and paving the way for future political mobilization and the eventual appointment of the Mandal Commission. It underscored the deep ideological tensions surrounding the role of caste in public policy in post-independence India from the very beginning.
B. The Mandal Moment: Transformation of Politics and Policy (1980 Report & Implementation)
Nearly twenty-five years after the Kalelkar Commission's report was shelved, the issue of OBC identification and reservation returned to the national stage with the appointment of the Second Backward Classes Commission in 1979 by the Janata Party government.74 Headed by B.P. Mandal, a former Chief Minister of Bihar, the commission's mandate was similar to Kalelkar's: to determine the criteria for defining SEBCs, identify these classes, and recommend steps for their advancement, explicitly including the question of reservations.59 The context was one of growing political assertion by backward classes, particularly in North India, and the continued absence of a central policy for OBCs.73
The Mandal Commission adopted a more systematic, albeit still debated, methodology compared to its predecessor. It devised a set of 11 criteria, weighted differently, covering social, educational, and economic indicators to identify backwardness.58 Social indicators included castes considered backward by others, reliance on manual labor, low age at marriage, and high female work participation relative to the state average.58 Educational indicators focused on school non-attendance rates, dropout rates, and matriculation rates compared to the state average.58 Economic indicators assessed family assets, prevalence of kachcha (non-permanent) housing, and reliance on consumption loans relative to the state average.58 Castes scoring 11 out of 22 points on these indicators were classified as backward.58 Crucially, the commission relied heavily on the caste data from the 1931 census, the last available comprehensive count, extrapolating it and supplementing it with extensive socio-educational field surveys conducted across the country.58 Based on this methodology, the commission identified 3,743 distinct castes and communities as OBCs.59
The commission's report, submitted in December 1980 58, contained explosive findings and far-reaching recommendations. It estimated that OBCs constituted 52% of India's total population (excluding SCs and STs).22 While initially considering reservation proportional to population, the commission recommended a 27% quota for OBCs in central government jobs and public sector undertakings (PSUs).22 This figure was chosen specifically to ensure that the total reservation quantum for SCs (15%), STs (7.5%), and OBCs (27%) would remain at 49.5%, just below the 50% ceiling previously suggested by the Supreme Court.73 The commission also recommended extending this 27% reservation to admissions in public educational institutions 58, although this was implemented much later (in 2006).58 Other recommendations included reservations in promotions (a point later invalidated by the Supreme Court in the Indra Sawhney case 67), age relaxation for OBC candidates similar to SCs/STs, maintenance of rosters, land reforms, financial and technical support for OBC artisans and entrepreneurs, and the identification of backward classes among non-Hindu communities.59
Despite being submitted in 1980, the Mandal report remained unimplemented for a decade. It was the V.P. Singh-led National Front government that announced its decision to implement the 27% OBC reservation in central government jobs in August 1990.22 This announcement triggered immediate and widespread protests, often turning violent, particularly among upper-caste students in northern and western India, who perceived it as reverse discrimination and an attack on meritocracy.58 The reaction in southern states was generally milder, partly because significant OBC reservations were already in place there for decades.73
The implementation of the Mandal recommendations, eventually upheld by the Supreme Court in 1992, profoundly reshaped India's socio-political landscape. It led to a heightened sense of caste consciousness across society and catalyzed the political mobilization of OBCs as a significant electoral bloc.59 It fueled the rise of powerful regional parties explicitly based on OBC or Dalit support (like the Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party) and shifted the terms of political discourse decisively towards social justice and representation.59 While the extent of actual socio-economic upliftment remains debated, the policy undeniably increased the visibility and representation of OBCs in public employment and higher education over time, contributing to greater social mobility for some sections.59 However, the Mandal moment also drew criticism for allegedly reinforcing caste identities, intensifying caste-based political competition, and potentially deepening social divisions.67
Table 2: Kalelkar vs. Mandal Commission - A Comparison
41
C. Constitutional Moorings: Equality, Non-Discrimination, and Special Provisions
The entire debate around caste, backwardness, and reservations is framed by the Indian Constitution, which attempts to balance the ideals of equality and non-discrimination with provisions for affirmative action to remedy historical injustices.
The foundational principles are enshrined in the Fundamental Rights. Article 14 guarantees "equality before the law" and "equal protection of the laws" to all persons within India.32 Article 15 prohibits the state from discriminating against any citizen solely on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth.31 Article 16 ensures "equality of opportunity" for all citizens in matters of public employment and prohibits discrimination on the same grounds, adding descent and residence.31 Furthermore, Article 17 explicitly abolishes "Untouchability" and forbids its practice in any form, making it a punishable offense.31
However, recognizing the deep-seated inequalities prevalent in Indian society, the Constitution includes specific "enabling provisions" that allow the state to take positive measures for disadvantaged groups. Article 15(4), introduced via the First Amendment in 1951 (following the State of Madras vs. Champakam Dorairajan case where caste-based reservations were initially struck down 36), empowers the state to make "any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes".32 This clause provides the constitutional basis for reservations in educational institutions. Similarly, Article 16(4) allows the state to make "any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in the services under the State".31 This is the cornerstone for reservations in public employment. Subsequent amendments have added clauses like Article 16(4A) permitting reservations in promotions for SCs and STs 31, Article 16(4B) allowing the carry-forward of unfilled reserved vacancies 31, and Article 16(6) enabling reservations for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS).86
The Directive Principles of State Policy also reinforce this commitment. Article 46 specifically directs the state to "promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation".32
The Constitution also lays down mechanisms for identifying the specific groups eligible for these special provisions. Article 341 empowers the President, after consultation with the Governor (in case of a state), to specify by public notification the castes, races, or tribes deemed to be Scheduled Castes for that state or Union Territory.31 Article 342 provides a parallel process for specifying Scheduled Tribes.31 Parliament has the power to include or exclude communities from these Presidential lists.43 Article 342A, introduced later and amended by the 105th Amendment Act 2021, deals with the identification of Socially and Educationally Backward Classes (SEBCs), restoring the power of state governments to identify SEBCs for their own purposes while the President notifies the central list.33 To aid in the investigation of backward classes, Article 340 provides for the appointment of a Commission (like the Kalelkar and Mandal Commissions).33 Finally, the 102nd Amendment Act, 2018 granted constitutional status to the National Commission for Backward Classes (NCBC) under Article 338B, empowering it to examine matters concerning the welfare and development of backward classes.33
Table 3: Key Constitutional Articles Relevant to Caste, Equality, and Reservation
31
This constitutional framework thus establishes a complex interplay between the fundamental right to equality and the state's power to implement affirmative action measures to address historical and ongoing social inequalities based on caste and backwardness.
D. Judicial Scrutiny: The Indra Sawhney Landmark and the 50% Rule
The implementation of the Mandal Commission's recommendation for 27% OBC reservation in 1990 was immediately challenged in the Supreme Court, leading to the landmark case of Indra Sawhney & Others v. Union of India (1992), popularly known as the Mandal case.58 The petitioners raised fundamental questions about the constitutional validity of caste-based reservations, arguing they violated the guarantee of equality of opportunity (Article 16(1)), that caste was an unreliable indicator of backwardness, and that extensive quotas would undermine administrative efficiency.58
A nine-judge Constitution Bench delivered a complex 6:3 majority verdict that profoundly shaped India's reservation jurisprudence.81 The Court upheld the constitutional validity of the government's order providing 27% reservation for OBCs in central government services.58 It affirmed that caste could be used as a basis or indicator for identifying social and educational backwardness, recognizing its significance as a marker of historical disadvantage in the Indian context, although it cautioned that caste could not be the sole determinant.58
Crucially, the Indra Sawhney judgment introduced two significant limitations. First, it mandated the exclusion of the "creamy layer" from the ambit of OBC reservations.59 This meant that socially and economically advanced individuals or sections within the designated OBCs would not be eligible for reservation benefits, ensuring that affirmative action targeted those genuinely in need. The Court directed the government to establish criteria for identifying this creamy layer (subsequently done through the Ram Nandan Committee, with income thresholds periodically revised upwards 59). Second, the judgment explicitly reiterated and solidified the 50% ceiling on total vertical reservations (quota-based reservations for SC, ST, and OBC combined).70 The Court reasoned that reservations, while necessary, are an exception to the general rule of equality and must be balanced against other constitutional principles, including the rights of non-reserved category candidates and the need to maintain administrative efficiency.82 It held that exceeding the 50% limit would impair these principles, although it allowed for the possibility of breaching this cap in "extraordinary situations" involving far-flung communities outside the national mainstream.89
The Court also ruled that reservations under Article 16(4) were confined to initial appointments and could not be applied in matters of promotion.36 This aspect led to subsequent constitutional amendments (like the 77th Amendment adding Article 16(4A)) aimed at restoring reservation in promotion specifically for SCs and STs.36 Additionally, the Court directed the government to establish a permanent statutory body to examine requests for inclusion or exclusion of castes from the OBC lists, leading to the enactment of the National Commission for Backward Classes Act, 1993.71
The Indra Sawhney judgment thus represented a critical judicial balancing act. It legitimized OBC reservations as a tool for social justice while simultaneously imposing significant constraints through the creamy layer exclusion and the 50% ceiling. These boundaries, particularly the 50% rule (rooted in earlier cases like M.R. Balaji 83), have become central tenets of India's reservation policy but remain highly contested. Several states have enacted laws exceeding the 50% cap (e.g., Tamil Nadu's 69% reservation, protected under the Ninth Schedule, and Maharashtra's Maratha quota law, which was recently struck down).83 The introduction of the 10% EWS reservation through the 103rd Amendment has also explicitly breached this ceiling, and its constitutional validity, while upheld by a majority in a later case, continues to fuel debate about the flexibility and applicability of the 50% rule.91 The ongoing legal and political challenges to these judicially imposed limits reflect the evolving dynamics of reservation politics and the persistent tension between competing constitutional values of equality, representation, and efficiency.
VI. Navigating the Future: The Path Forward for Caste Data
A. Lessons from SECC 2011 and State Surveys
As India contemplates the future of caste enumeration, the experiences of the SECC 2011 and recent state-level surveys offer crucial lessons. The failure of SECC 2011 to produce usable caste data underscores the paramount importance of methodology.39 Any future attempt, whether national or state-level, must prioritize the development of a robust, standardized classification system for castes and sub-castes, incorporating clear definitions and accounting for regional variations and synonyms.11 Thorough training for enumerators on the complexities of caste identification is essential to minimize errors.39 Leveraging modern technology, including digital data collection platforms with real-time validation checks and potentially machine learning tools for data cleaning and categorization, could help overcome some of the challenges faced in 2011.46 Methodological approaches suggested include creating preliminary state or district-specific lists covering the majority population, allowing respondents to self-identify from pre-coded options, and recording residual responses verbatim for later expert categorization.46
The debate also involves the appropriate level for data collection. Given that caste identities, hierarchies, and even names vary significantly across regions, state-specific data collection, as seen in Bihar, holds value for understanding local dynamics and tailoring state-level policies.1 Reservations themselves are often implemented based on state-specific lists.1 However, a nationwide census requires national coordination and a framework that allows for aggregation while respecting regional specificities, a complex balancing act.1
Crucially, the utility of any caste data hinges on its connection to clear policy objectives.11 Data collection should not be an end in itself but a means to inform specific goals, such as refining welfare targeting (as intended with SECC socio-economic data for MGNREGA, NFSA, DBT 49), reviewing and rationalizing reservation quotas, understanding the intersectionality of caste with other forms of deprivation, or monitoring progress towards social equality. Without a clear link to actionable policy, the exercise risks becoming purely academic or political.
B. Balancing Data Needs, Privacy, and Social Cohesion
Navigating the future of caste data requires a delicate balancing act between the legitimate need for information, the fundamental right to privacy, and the imperative of maintaining social cohesion. The sensitivity of caste information necessitates stringent ethical considerations and robust data protection measures.66 Any collection process must incorporate principles of informed consent and ensure compliance with India's data protection laws and international privacy norms. Strong safeguards, including data encryption, secure storage, anonymization where appropriate, and strict access controls, are crucial to prevent misuse, discrimination, or stigmatization based on the collected data.66
Strategies must also be devised to mitigate the potential negative consequences of caste enumeration, such as the hardening of identities or the fueling of social conflict.1 One approach is to frame the census exercise explicitly as a tool for inclusive development, evidence-based policy, and citizenship building, rather than solely as an exercise in identity politics.1 Ensuring transparency in how the data is collected, processed, and used, along with establishing clear accountability mechanisms, can help build public trust and counter fears of manipulation.1
This brings the discussion back to the fundamental dilemma articulated by Dr. Ambedkar and echoed in contemporary debates: can counting caste serve the ultimate goal of annihilating caste?.11 One perspective holds that making caste-based inequality visible through data is a necessary prerequisite for addressing it effectively and dismantling the structures that perpetuate it.11 The counter-argument fears that the very act of measurement inevitably reifies and perpetuates the categories one seeks to transcend.37 There is no easy resolution to this tension, and any path forward must acknowledge this inherent complexity.
C. Concluding Reflections: Towards Evidence-Based Policy or Deeper Divisions?
The resurgence of the caste census debate places India at a critical juncture. The potential benefits are significant: the possibility of crafting more equitable and effective social justice policies based on contemporary evidence, ensuring that affirmative action reaches the most deserving, and fostering a deeper understanding of the complex interplay between caste and socio-economic outcomes.3 Accurate data could rationalize contentious debates, particularly around reservations, and empower marginalized communities with information to advocate for their rights.40
However, the risks are equally profound. A poorly executed census could replicate the failures of SECC 2011, yielding unreliable data while still incurring massive costs. Even with accurate data, there are legitimate concerns about reinforcing caste identities, deepening social fault lines, potential misuse for political mobilization, and challenges to data privacy.3
The path forward demands a nuanced approach that acknowledges the persistent reality and impact of caste in Indian society while remaining committed to the constitutional ideals of equality, fraternity, and the eventual annihilation of caste discrimination.12 The decision to count caste, as recently signaled by the central government, is only the first step. The crucial determinants of the outcome will be how caste is enumerated – with methodological rigor, sensitivity, and robust safeguards – and how the resulting data is utilized – whether as a tool for genuine empowerment, inclusive development, and nation-building 45, or as fodder for divisive identity politics. Success hinges on meticulous planning, technical competence, ethical considerations, transparent processes, and a degree of political maturity that prioritizes long-term social justice over short-term electoral gains. The caste census conundrum encapsulates the ongoing struggle to reconcile India's complex social past with its aspirations for an equitable future.
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